Thursday, July 28, 2016

THE MYSTERIES OF AVALON: APPENDIX VI



LANVAL OF AVALON: A LITTLE BIT OF HISTORY IN MARIE DE FRANCVE’S ARTHURIAN LAI?


According to THE NEW ARTHURIAN ENCYCLOPEDIA, Marie de France was “a French poet who may have lived in England and who dedicated her Lais to a king presumed to be Henry II of England.  She wrote during the second half, and before the last decade, of the twelve century… “

Only two of Marie’s lais are Arthurian in nature.  Of these, the longer and more famous, is “Lanval”.  This poem may be summarized as follows (from the Wikipedia article):

“Lanval” is one of the Lais of Marie de France. Written in Anglo-Norman, it tells the story of a knight at King Arthur’s court who is overlooked by the king, wooed by a fairy lady, given all manner of gifts by her, and subsequently refuses the advances of Queen Guinevere. The plot is complicated by Lanval’s promise not to reveal the identity of his mistress, which he breaks when Guinevere accuses him of having “no desire for women”. Before Arthur, Guinevere accuses Lanval of shaming her, and Arthur, in an extended judicial scene, demands that he reveal his mistress. Despite the broken promise, the fairy lover eventually appears to justify Lanval, and to take him with her to Avalon.

For Arthurian scholars, the question has always been: Who is Lanval?  The name is found only once in the Vulgate MERLIN, and the lai or its source was not adapted until the early fourteenth century (see the entry for “Lanval” in THE ARTHURIAN NAME DICTIONARY).  The poem’s protagonist has often been associated with Lancelot, and some authorities have guessed that the Fairy Lover of Avalon may be none other than Morgan le Fay.  But beyond this little progress has been made in shedding light on the origin of the name Lanval and why he was ultimately placed in Avalon.

I would make the case for Lanval not being a mythical figure or even an actual hero of Arthur’s time, but instead a contemporary of Marie de France.  We might compare him in this regard with Fergus of Galloway (d. 1161), who was made into an Arthurian era hero by the romance writer Guilluame de Clerc.

Lanval is recorded as a spelling variant of Lanvallay, Breton Lanvalae, a commune in the Cotes-d’Armor department of Brittany in northwestern France.  Other spelling variants include Lanvelay, Lanvalay, Lanvalai, Lanvalei.  There were ‘de Lanvallays’ who came over to England with William the Conqueror.  In MAGNA CARTA ANCESTRY: A STUDY IN COLONIAL AND MEDIEVAL FAMILIES, 2nd Edition, 2011, by Douglas Richardson, we learn of one William de Lanvallay, who succeeded his father as a minor in 1204 and died shortly before 3 October 1217.  This William held land in Kingstone, Somerset – a fact which we will examine more closely in a moment.  He was excommunicated by the pope in 1215 for joining a confederacy of barons against King John, the son of Henry II.  As a consequence, he lost his Somerset property.  When he returned to obedience to the king in 1216, his lands were restored.  His most noteworthy accomplishment appears to have been his inclusion among the 25 barons elected to guarantee the observance of Magna Carta, signed by John on 15 June 1215.
De Lanvallay’s ownership of land at Kingstone supplies us with an unexpected explanation of why Lanval was so intimately involved with the Fairy Lover of Avalon.  From ANGLO-SAXON GLASTONBURY: CHURCH AND ENDOWMENT by Lesley Abrams (Boydell and Brewer, 1996), and THE CHRONICLE OF GLASTONBURY ABBEY: AN EDITION, TRANSLATION AND STUDY OF JOHN OF GLASTONBURY’S ‘CRONICA SIVE ANTIQUITATES GLASTONIENSIS ECCLESIE’ by James P. Carley (Boydell and Brewer, 1985), we learn that land at Kingstone was granted to Glastonbury as early as the 10th century.  Some of this land was still in the abbey’s hands in 1066 (at least 8 hides worth), but was lost to the count of Mortain before 1086.

Glastonbury was first overtly identified with King Arthur’s Avalon during the reign of Marie de France’s probable patron Henry II (1133-1189).  According to the story told by Gerald of Wales in both his LIBER DE INSTRUCTIONE PRINCIPIS (c. 1193) and SPECULUM ECCLESIAE (c. 1215), King Henry “disclosed to the monks [of Glastonbury Abbey] some evidence from his own books where the body was to be found” and “strenuous efforts were made in Glastonbury Abbey to locate what must have been the splendid tomb of King Arthur.  It was the king himself who put them to this…”

There are, of course, problems with the chronology of William de Lanvallay.  These are best expressed in Chapter 6  of UNTITLED ENGLISH NOBILITY (http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/ENGLISHNOBILITYMEDIEVAL3L-O.htm#_Toc351361220 ):

LANVALAY
Successful reconstruction of the following family is complicated by the duplication of the names William, Ranulf and Geoffrey, and the indication in the records, at least in the case of William and Geoffrey, of more than one individual with the same name at the same time.  The following is an attempt to reconcile the information available, but is not necessarily the final answer to the reconstruction of the family.

[Two possible brothers]:

1.         WILLIAM [I] de Lanvalay (-before 1185).  “Manasse Biset dapifero, Henrico de Oilleo, W[illelmo] de Lanvaleio…” witnessed the charter dated [Jan 1158] under which King Henry II confirmed the donation to the nuns of Neasham, Durham made by “Emma de Teisa”[333].  The Rotuli de Dominabus of 1185 records that “Clementia de Sancto Claro” held “Haiam” from “Willelmo de Lanvalei”[334].  m GUNNORA de Saint-Clair, daughter of HUBERT de Saint-Clair & his wife Clementia — ([1140/50]-before 1185).  Domesday Descendants names “Gunnora daughter and heiress of Hubert de St Clair” as the wife of William de Lanvallay, but does not cite a specific source reference for this information[335].  The primary source which confirms her parentage and marriage has not yet been identified.  Her birth date is estimated on the assumption that the age of her mother is accurately stated in the Rotuli de Dominabus of 1185.  William [I] & his wife had [three] children:
a)         WILLIAM [II] de Lanvalay of Walkern, Northamptonshire ([1168/73]-[20 Jun 1207/1209]).  The Rotuli de Dominabus of 1185 records “Willelmus de Lanvalle…in custodia domini Regis” and holds all his land, of unknown value, in “Hundredum de Lexedene” in Essex and “in Hallingeburia” in Essex[336].  King John confirmed “villam de Bromeleg cum advocatione ecclesie”, donated by “Willelmus de Lanval…in maritagium cum Gunnora sorore ipsius Willelmi de Lunval”, to “Willelmo de Bello Campo” by charter dated 20 Jun 1207[337].  The Testa de Nevill lists knights who held land in Northamptonshire, dated to [1208/09], including “heres Willelmi de Lanvelay tenet Wakerle”[338].  m HAWISE de Bocland, daughter of HUGH de Bocland & his wife Matilda — (-before 19 Jul 1233).  Her parentage and marriage are shown in The Complete Peerage[339].  The primary source which confirms her parentage has not yet been identified.  Bracton records a claim, dated 1232, by “Johannes de Burgo et Hawisia uxor eius” against “Willelmum de Bello Campo” claiming the return of “manerium de Brumlegha…hereditatem ipsius Hawisie” which had not been transferred to her after the death of “Gunnoram de Lanualay quondam uxorem suam” and which “Hawisia de Lamualay quondam uxor Willelmi de Lanualay…avie ipsius Hawisie” was granted as “dotem…de dono ipsius Willelmi quondam viri sui”[340].  Christine de Mandeville Countess of Essex granted her lands in Westley, Cambridgeshire to Geoffrey de Lanvalay and his mother Hawise by charter dated 1227[341].  William [II] & his wife had [two] children:
i)          WILLIAM [IV] de Lanvalay ([after 1190]-[1214/18 May 1216]).  The Testa de Nevill lists knights who held land in Northamptonshire, dated to [1208/09], including “heres Willelmi de Lanvelay tenet Wakerle”[342].  Although he is not named in this record, it must refer to William [IV] who was presumably still a minor at the time.  William Reedy, in the introduction to his collection of Basset charters, states that Alan Basset paid a fine to marry his daughter to the son and heir of William de Lanvalay in [1212/14][343].  The Patent Roll 1217 records an order to “baillivis suis in quorum bailliis Willelmus de Lanvalay terras habuit” in respect of the lands “que fuerunt Willelmi de Lanvalay”[344], which is consistent with the recent death of William [IV].  The Testa de Nevill includes a list of landholdings in Somerset, dated 1219, which includes “filia et heres Willelmi de Lamvale est in custodia H. de Burgo justiciarii…et terra sua de Kingestan valet x.l…”, in Kent “in hundred de Schamele dominus H. de Burgo habet custodiam cuiusdam puelle que est heres Willelmi de Lanvalai cum maneriis de Chauk et de Henneherst…”, and in Essex “terra…in hundredo de Lexeden”[345].  m ([1212/14]) [MATILDA] Basset, daughter of ALAN Basset of Wycombe & his second wife Aline de Gai.  William Reedy, in the introduction to his collection of Basset charters, states that Alan Basset paid a fine to marry his daughter to the son and heir of William de Lanvalay in [1212/14][346].  Her name is suggested by two orders: firstly, King Henry III ordered the sheriff of Northamptonshire “to place in respite the demand of 29s that he makes from Matilda de Lanvallay for her assets in Wakerley”, dated [Apr] 1223[347], and secondly the king ordered the sheriff of Northamptonshire “to place in respite the demand for 29s that he makes by summons of the Exchequer from Matilda de Lanvallay”, dated 11 May 1226[348].  The references to Northamptonshire suggest a connection with the family of William [IV].  No other individual named Matilda has yet been identified in his family, which suggests that the debtor may have been his widow of whose name no record has been found.  William [IV] & his wife had one child:
(1)       HAWISE de Lanvalay ([1213/16]-after 1235).  The Testa de Nevill includes a list of landholdings in Somerset, dated 1219, which includes “filia et heres Willelmi de Lamvale est in custodia H. de Burgo justiciarii…et terra sua de Kingestan valet x.l…”, in Kent “in hundred de Schamele dominus H. de Burgo habet custodiam cuiusdam puelle que est heres Willelmi de Lanvalai cum maneriis de Chauk et de Henneherst…”, and in Essex “terra…in hundredo de Lexeden”[349].  The Pipe Roll 1223 includes land of “Huberto de Burgo cum herede Willelmi de Lanvalet…in Schaftebir” [Shaftesbury] in Dorset[350].  King Henry III ordered the sheriff of Dorset “to take into the king´s hands the lands of Emedeswurth and Morden which Peter Russell holds of the fee of William de Lanvallay”, dated [Mar] 1224[351].  Bracton records a claim, dated 1232, by “Johannes de Burgo et Hawisia uxor eius” against “Willelmum de Bello Campo” claiming the return of “manerium de Brumlegha…hereditatem ipsius Hawisie” which had not been transferred to her after the death of “Gunnoram de Lanualay quondam uxorem suam” and which “Hawisia de Lamualay quondam uxor Willelmi de Lanualay…avie ipsius Hawisie” was granted as “dotem…de dono ipsius Willelmi quondam viri sui”[352].  A charter dated 1235 records a dispute a claim “Johannem de Burgo et Hawisiam uxorem eius” against the abbot of Colchester relating to revenue from “molendino de Nordmilne” and the agreed settlement which refers to “Johannes et Hauuisia et heredes ipsius Hauuisie”, the latter being unnamed[353].  A writ dated 1 Dec “3 Edw I”, after the death of “John de Burgo the elder”, names “Sir John de Burgo the younger…aged 40 and more is his next heir”, records “Hallingebyri…manor…held of the king in chief of tyhe barony of Launvaly…of the inheritance of Hawis his wife”, and names “Sir Hubert de Burgo father of Sir John de Burgo the elder”[354].  m (before 1232) JOHN de Burgh, son of HUBERT de Burgh Earl of Kent & his first wife Beatrice de Warenne (-before 1 Dec 1274).
…
b)         WILLIAM [III] de Lanvalay (-after 29 Sep 1223).  An order dated 3 Sep 1199 relates to land of “Willo de Lanuallai et Rad de Lanualai” in Huntingdonshire and Berkshire[373].  His parentage is confirmed by the Testa de Nevill which lists landholdings in Berkshire, dated 1212, including “Willelmus de Lanvalei tenet c solidatas terre in Blacgrave sine servicio nominato quam Rex Henricus pater dedit Radulfo avo suo”[374].  The Pipe Roll 1223 includes “Willelmus de Lanval” among those owing “de prestito Pictavie” in Essex and Hertfordshire, and land of “Ricardo Walensi…in Estbir cum filia et herede Radulfi de Lanvalet. Et Willelmo de Lanvalet…in Blakegrave…” in Berkshire[375].

 The chronology for the various Williams therefore extends roughly from the mid 12th century to the first quarter of the 13th.  This period overlaps both that of Marie de France, author of Lanval, and Henry II, who not only had dealings with at least one of the de Lanvallays, but who chose to identify Glastonbury with Avalon (doubtless for political reasons that have been stated elsewhere).  Furthermore, Kingstone, in possession of the de Lanvallays, had a long history with Glastonbury/Avalon.

It is for these reasons that I would identify Marie’s Lanval with one of the William de Lanvallays. It is likely that the lai is a symbolic representation of the life of one of these de Lanvallays, or is a symbolic commemoration of an important event in the life of one of these men.  As “going to Avalon” in Lanval’s case means dying and being taken to the Otherworld that is Glastonbury, we must select a William who had died before the last decade of the 12th century or thereabouts – which is the usual terminus for Marie’s writing of the lai.

I think we are dealing with the Magna Carta episode here.  Lanval’s rejection of the queen’s advances leads to the loss of his Fairy Lover; she will not come to him anymore.  The barons become involved in the judicial proceedings, and the hero is not declared innocent until the Fairy Lover makes an appearance and offers testimony on his behalf.  This sounds suspiciously like William de Lanvallay’s loss of the Somerset lands when he joined the barons in opposition to the king.  Once he had reconciled with the king, his lands – with their ancient tie to Glastonbury/Avalon – were restored to him. William died the year following, a passing which may have been depicted by Marie as Lanval’s journey to Avalon.

Whether that is the ‘secret code’ lurking within Marie’s lai is impossible to say with any certainty.  But it is the only episode in a life of a de Lanvallay that has a demonstrable connection to “Avalon”.

THE MYSTERIES OF AVALON: APPENDIX V



ST. ALBAN OF VERULAMIUM: ANOTHER CO-OPTED PAGAN GOD?


I was reading the story of St. Alban the other day and noticed something that had escaped me in the past:  he is beheaded atop a hill at St. Albans on June 22nd.  As most good pagans know, the Summer Solstice can fall on this day.  And then there was the bit about the cloak, which became personified through error as Saint Amphibalus – amphibalus being a word for a certain kind of cloak. Alarm bells starting going off.

The name Alban or Albanus is from L. albus, ‘white’.  Although Roman names containing the element Alban- are not uncommon, in this case the attempted ruse is rather transparent.

When the head of the god Bran was brought back from Ireland, it went in stages until finally its bearers deposited it within the Gwynbryn or “White Hill” of London as a protective talisman.  The White Hill is now better known as Tower Hill.

http://www.maryjones.us/jce/towerhill.html

But before the head is buried in the Gwynbryn, we are told that when the bearers of the talisman return to Wales from Ireland they learn that Caswallawn son of Beli has defeated King Caradawg son of Bran BY WEARING A MAGICAL CLOAK THAT CONFERS INVISIBILITY ON ITS WEARER. Caswallawn is a reflection of the historical Cassivellaunus of the time of Caeser, who is thought to be the king of the Catuvellauni tribe.  As it happens, the Roman period capital of the Catuvellauni was Verulamium/St. Albans.

Although there is more than one St. Alban’s Hill in Britain, the one at St. Albans, the Roman period Verulamium, is generally considered the best candidate.  I will here quote the story of St. Alban from Bede before summarizing my identification of this Christain saint with Bran the Blessed.

“CHAP. VII. The Passion of St. Alban and his companions, who at that time shed their blood for our Lord.

At that time suffered St. Alban, of whom the priest Fortunatus, in the Praise of Virgins, where he makes mention of the blessed martyrs that came to the Lord from all parts of the world, says:

And fruitful Britain noble Alban rears.

This Alban, being- yet a pagan, at the time when at the bidding- of unbelieving rulers all manner of cruelty was practised against the Christians, gave entertainment in his house to a certain clerk, flying from his persecutors. This man he observed to be engaged in continual prayer and watching day and night; when on a sudden the Divine grace shining on him, he began to imitate the example of faith and piety which was set before him, and being gradually instructed by his wholesome admonitions, he cast off the darkness of idolatry, and became a Christian in all sincerity of heart. The aforesaid clerk having been some days entertained by him, it came to the ears of the impious prince, that a confessor of Christ, to whom a martyr’s place had not yet been assigned, was concealed at Alban’s house. Whereupon he sent some soldiers to make a strict search after him. When they came to the martyr’s hut, St. Alban presently came forth to the soldiers, instead of his guest and master, in the habit or long coat which he wore, and was bound and led before the judge.

It happened that the judge, at the time when Alban was carried before him, was standing at the altar, and offering sacrifice to devils. When he saw Alban, being much enraged that he should thus, of his own accord, dare to put himself into the hands of the soldiers, and incur such danger on behalf of the guest whom he had harboured, he commanded him to be dragged to the images of the devils, before which he stood, saying, “Because you have chosen to conceal a rebellious and sacrilegious man, rather than to deliver him up to the soldiers, that his contempt of the gods might meet with the penalty due to such blasphemy, you shall undergo all the punishment that was due to him, if you seek to abandon the worship of our religion.” But St. Alban, who had voluntarily declared himself a Christian to the persecutors of the faith, was not at all daunted by the prince’s threats, but putting on the armour of spiritual warfare, publicly declared that he would not obey his command. Then said the judge, “Of what family or race are you?” – “What does it concern you,” answered Alban, “of what stock I am? If you desire to hear the truth of my religion, be it known to you, that I am now a Christian, and free to fulfil Christian duties.” – “I ask your name,” said the judge; “tell me it immediately.” “I am called Alban by my parents,” replied he; “and I worship ever and adore the true and living God, Who created all things.” Then the judge, filled with anger, said, “If you would enjoy the happiness of eternal life, do not delay to offer sacrifice to the great gods.” Alban rejoined, “These sacrifices, which by you are offered to devils, neither can avail the worshippers, nor fulfil the desires and petitions of the suppliants. Rather, whosoever shall offer sacrifice to these images, shall receive the everlasting pains of hell for his reward.” The judge, hearing these words, and being much incensed, ordered this holy confessor of God to be scourged by the executioners, believing that he might by stripes shake that constancy of heart, on which he could not prevail by words. He, being most cruelly tortured, bore the same patiently, or rather joyfully, for our Lord’s sake. When the judge perceived that he was not to be overcome by tortures, or withdrawn from the exercise of the Christian religion, he ordered him to be put to death.

Being led to execution, he came to a river, which, with a most rapid course, ran between the wall of the town and the arena where he was to be executed. He there saw a great multitude of persons of both sexes, and of divers ages and conditions, who were doubtless assembled by Divine inspiration, to attend the blessed confessor and martyr, and had so filled the bridge over the river, that he could scarce pass over that evening. In truth, almost all had gone out, so that the judge remained in the city without attendance. St. Alban, therefore, urged by an ardent and devout wish to attain the sooner to martyrdom, drew near to the stream, and lifted up his eyes to heaven, whereupon the channel was immediately dried up, and he perceived that the water had given place and made way for him to pass. Among the rest, the executioner, who should have put him to death, observed this, and moved doubtless by Divine inspiration hastened to meet him at the appointed place of execution, and casting away the sword which he had carried ready drawn, fell at his feet, praying earnestly that he might rather be accounted worthy to suffer with the martyr, whom he was ordered to execute, or, if possible, instead of him. Whilst he was thus changed from a persecutor into a companion in the faith and truth, and the other executioners rightly hesitated to take up the sword which was lying on the ground, the holy confessor, accompanied by the multitude, ascended a hill, about half a mile from the arena, beautiful, as was fitting, and of most pleasing appearance, adorned, or rather clothed, everywhere with flowers of many colours, nowhere steep or precipitous or of sheer descent, but with a long, smooth natural slope, like a plain, on its sides, a place altogether worthy from of old, by reason of its native beauty, to be consecrated by the blood of a blessed martyr. On the top of this hill, St. Alban prayed that God would give him water, and immediately a living spring, confined in its channel, sprang up at his feet, so that all men acknowledged that even the stream had yielded its service to the martyr. For it was impossible that the martyr, who had left no water remaining in the river, should desire it on the top of the hill, unless he thought it fitting. The river then having done service and fulfilled the pious duty, returned to its natural course, leaving a testimony of its obedience. Here, therefore, the head of the undaunted martyr was struck off, and here he received the crown of life, which God has promised to them that love him. But he who laid impious hands on the holy man’s neck was not permitted to rejoice over his dead body; for his eyes dropped upon the ground at the same moment as the blessed martyr’s head fell. At the same time was also beheaded the soldier, who before, through the Divine admonition, refused to strike the holy confessor. Of whom it is apparent, that though he was not purified by the waters of baptism, yet he was cleansed by the washing of his own blood, and rendered worthy to enter the kingdom of heaven. Then the judge, astonished at the unwonted sight of so many heavenly miracles, ordered the persecution to cease immediately, and began to honour the death of the saints, by which he once thought that they might have been turned from their zeal for the Christian faith. The blessed Alban suffered death on the twenty-second day of June, near the city of Verulam, which is now by the English nation called Verlamacaestir, or Vaeclingacaestir, where afterwards, when peaceable Christian times were restored, a church of wonderful workmanship, and altogether worthy to commemorate his martyrdom, was erected. In which place the cure of sick persons and the frequent working of wonders cease not to this day.

At that time suffered Aaron and Julius, citizens of the City of Legions, and many more of both sexes in divers places ; who, after that they had endured sundry torments, and their limbs had been mangled after an unheard-of manner, when their warfare was accomplished, yielded their souls up to the joys of the heavenly city.”

The particulars of the St. Alban story can now be set out rather simply.  St. Alban is named for the White Hill upon which he was beheaded or, rather, in which the head of his pagan prototype Bran was buried.  The cloak or ‘amphibalus’ of St. Alban is a substitute for the magical cloak of Caswallawn, worn to defeat the son of Bran.  In mythological language, such cloaks generally represent something like the cloud hiding a solar hero.  The beheading of St. Alban on the Summer Solstice is actually the seasonal beheading of Bran the sun god.  For at the Summer Solstice, the longest day of the year, the days begin to grow shorter.  From the Summer Solstice to the Winter Solstice is the true “waning year”, the time when the sun god is symbolically “dead”.

Once again, Christianity has stolen a pagan god and his story and “converted” both (if my readers will excuse the pun!) to suit its own purposes.

NOTE: Since writing this chapter, I’ve become aware of a Roman-period mosaic found at St. Albans.  This portrays the horned head of a god.  While the artwork has been called the ‘Sea God Mosaic’, in the words of the St. Albans Museum:

“The mosaic is known as the sea god mosaic – the face on it could be the god Oceanus – or it might be Cernunnos, the god of the woods. It was made around AD160-90. This mosaic is on display in Verulamium Museum. It was found in the same Roman town house as the mosaic in the hypocaust room.”

This brings to mind the god Gwynn (see Chaper 6), who may well have been a horned god.  Gwynn, like Albans, means “white”.  When we look at the horned god mosaic of St. Albans, could we be looking at Gwynn himself?